When Burma had a
Democracy, though it was troubled, their economy was healthy. Since the current
military dictatorship took over, Burma, aka Myanmar, has experienced both
oppression and poverty.
South Korea has a true democracy, and their economy is flourishing. North Korea has a dictatorship, with both oppression and poverty, and now has the threat to its people, and the world, of another war.
The pattern of oppression, general poverty, and war, is the pattern of dictatorship. True democracies don't start wars with other true democracies. The only exception I can think of was the brief skirmish between Argentina and England over the Falkland Islands.
There really is only one Korean people. Families are split between North and South. Reminds me of the two Germanys divided by the Cold War, with an East Berlin and a West Berlin, and that awful Wall. If that Wall and the Iron Curtain could come down without war, one might think that the two Koreas could be reunited peacefully.
The violence between Irish Catholics and Protestants has largely been calmed in Northern Ireland in recent years. The peace made between Egypt and Israel has held up during very tough times in the Middle East. Can the bargaining, negotiating, trading, and deal making that went on in those parts of the world be repeated in Korea? If not, Korea could stay divided indefinitely, with stress, tensions, and violence.
In any dispute, even in
marriages, the choice is between making deals or having divorce, violence, or
both.
How can peace and reunification come to the two Koreas? For sure, it won't be easy. The best way to start is with unofficial bargaining and deal offering. For example, representatives of China and the United States could first act as surrogates for the two Koreas at an informal meeting. Each hands over to the other a list of all the items desired as part of any settlement or resolution. Chances are that some items will appear on the lists of both sides. Others will require trading, negotiating, and deal making. Koreans will need to join the bargaining when the time is right.
Both sides may agree that, over a given period of time, perhaps five to ten years, and provided that other deals are made in the meantime, the United States and any other countries still having troops in the South, will remove those foreign troops. Both sides may agree that it is a goal that over the next twenty years, or other time frame, the two Koreas will be unified to at least some extent. For example, people with families on both sides of the Demilitarized Zone can be allowed to travel North or South to visit families; commercial trade can be allowed to develop; cultural exchanges will take place.North and South can
agree not to conduct any military "exercises" or set off any
weaponry that could be interpreted as provocative by the other side. A
declaration attesting to the oneness of the Korean people can be signed and
published, and could possibly include the goal that there be just one Korean
nation within twenty years or some other time frame.. Both sides can agree not
to produce or house any nuclear weapons, and agree to having international
inspection efforts verify such, at least once a year until the two Koreas are
fully reunified.
Later on, or possibly when the above items are negotiated, in return for favorable trade status with the South, and with the rest of the world, the North may agree to have local democratic elections with regard to local leadership.
There must be guarantees
to the leaders of the North that, if democracy is ever established in the
North, and/or if reunification were to take place, the current and future
leadership would be immune from arrest or from any punishment with regard to
the years of non-democratic rule, nor would they be excluded from seeking
election to public office. This is the same arrangement I recommend for Burma
(Myanmar) in my book, The Peace Prescription.
There is an alternative: Violence, war, possible nuclear holocaust, fear, and terror on both sides, and continued oppression and poverty in the North.
Outsiders must help, but Koreans must choose: Will it be continued division and war, or deal-making and peace? If nothing new is done, that will be a choice in favor of the former, the status quo or worse.Dr. Marshall wants to immunize the world against war - in fact he wants to eliminate all wars. This is the stated purpose of his recently published book, The Peace Prescription: Five Key Steps We Can Take to Prevent Wars. War must be defined, he argues, so that men can quickly recognize and take seriously all acts of violence. Marshall argues the importance of resolving alleged injustices as quickly as possible before they can escalate to war-making.
In the first part of the book the author identifies the causes of violence and war and provides a short historical analysis of their causes. Dr. Marshall argues that the common denominator of all murder, violence, subjugation, and destruction is abnormal human behavior. These are insights derived from his years of counseling people as a physician of psychiatric medicine.
In the second part of the book, Dr. Marshall offers a five step prescription for eliminating both war and violence. The author’s five step prescription program begins with what he proposes as the Peace Law, a written statute that prohibits the initiation of violence. The Peace Law and the steps that follow it all seek to enforce decent human behavior. He allows that sometimes small wars are necessary to prevent larger wars but he also reminds us that reality is socially created, that our beliefs inform our actions and our actions create our universe. He awakens us to remember that we can change our beliefs and thus our actions. Marshall believes in the possibility for a gradual elimination of war and he has faith in the role of behavior modification. The author believes that with the right preventative care, wars can be thwarted just as illnesses can be avoided.
The Peace Prescription is a thoughtful critique of power, greed, and exploitation and one that questions the soundness of nationalism, patriotism, and the death penalty. Marshall reviews the principles and spirituality of Christianity, Judaism and Islam, reminding us of their similarities, noting as well that all religions embrace and promote the practice of peace. In addition to his discussion of religion, the author weaves into his narrative ancient parables as well as excerpts of speeches from peace-seeking men such as Martin Luther King, Jr.
Dr. Marshall’s alternatives to war and violence follow, in the tradition of Zen Buddhism, a practice that promotes an awareness of one’s lifestyle, one that encourages meditative reflection, and one that emphasizes the importance of living peace. As the great Zen master, Thich Hhat Hanh, has written it is crucial to remember that if the means is peace then the ends will be peace. Likewise, Dr. Marshall reminds us that we must take responsibility for what we do and for the choices we make. The means always become the ends.
Dr. Marshall’s purpose is to start a worldwide peace movement. He offers clear realistic solutions to many of the social maladies we wrestle with. In fact, what makes this book different from mere academic analysis is that Marshall gives practical suggestions on how things can be changed. His prescription is person-to-person, a grass-roots, bottom-up strategy rather than a top-down, government-to-government remedy to the perplexing problems of contemporary society. The Peace Prescription is a critique of modern life and a proposal for a more humane and livable world. The book is both critical and compassionate and offers intelligent and creative alternatives to the destructive patterns of contemporary society.
While a bit
repetitious and didactic, the book is a welcome addition to the literature on
conflict resolution. The book is a
must read for every global citizen who deeply cares about humanity and wants to
seek compassionate solutions to contemporary problems. The book is relevant to students and
educators. It is engaging and
intellectually stimulating.
Dr. Kim's review:
The Peace Prescription by Dr. Edward Marshall challenges the reader to think non-traditionally and intuitively about a question that has haunted most of humanity since the beginning of civilization. The goal of this book is less to end all wars than it is to present a prescriptive strategy for reducing all “warlike activity” (54). In essence, it is, as stated by the author himself, “intended to be the beginning of the end of all wars forever.”
The book is worth picking up because the intention is
noble in and of itself. The author’s argument and his “Five Steps” are worth
considering given that he presents us with a clear roadmap instead of lofty
intellectual argument as to why we should even consider eradication of
violence. I give big kudos to the author for having the courage to begin this
important discourse set in, what I believe to be, the right path. In doing so,
the author may not win many supporters. His argument in the book will
especially rub
the realists of the world in the wrong way. His “Five Steps” are also not likely to have much traction among advocates of cultural relativism, national sovereignty, and political order. Nonetheless, the book does ask an important question: how do we begin to end the never-ending cycle of violence, which plagues our society? The prescription is laid out in the second part of the book. Although the author is a medical doctor by training, his understanding and depth of knowledge spanning the statistical facts, history, and various religions (including the Koran), makes for a fascinating read.
I cannot say that I would agree with all of the claims made
by the author; nonetheless, I do think that the question being asked and
answered in this book is very important and somehow our society must begin to
address it. We need not look too far to find the hundreds of non-government,
government, and intergovernmental organizations devoting significant resources
to report on acts of violence all around the world. The reports and the
statistics do not seem to end. When I teach my students about political
violence in the world, I find myself not being able to do more than simply state the harsh reality of the million deaths, rapes, maiming, and tortures. The question of what to do about this problem is less than easy to answer. Yet, The Peace Prescription presents an interesting approach and one I can share with others to begin the important discussion about ending this grim reality.
Overall, I thought the format and editorial in the book was nicely executed. I found little grammar or spelling errors but I did think the use of single page for quotes was a little distracting to the reader. As far as the overall style of the writing is concerned, I thought it was fairly easy to follow. I enjoyed its colloquial flow and avoidance of academic jargons.
I applaud both Dr. Marshall and Grassroots Press for
having the courage and the will to provide an important starting point to begin
the discourse about winning the peace. In my eyes, The Peace Prescription has
successfully done its job in setting the discussion on the right path – towards
peace.
As you can see, when professional academics review your book, it's a bit like having your term paper graded. Neither of these Professors accuse me of perfection, but I'm so pleased that they seem to have an overall favorable impression. They deserve thanks and praise for their courage shown just by taking my book seriously enough to review it. They could have said, "Who's he? These ideas are not the usual things we read. What will my colleagues think of me if I review this book? Forget it!" But, no, they had the fortitude to go forward, and I am grateful.